I note the statement near the end:
Romney “uses every trick in the book,” Breitstone said. “It’s going to be harder to do tax planning in the future. He’s bringing attention to things that weren’t getting attention.”Let's hope so....
Commentary on Politics, Economics, Media and Current Events
Romney “uses every trick in the book,” Breitstone said. “It’s going to be harder to do tax planning in the future. He’s bringing attention to things that weren’t getting attention.”Let's hope so....
I believe it would be much better and cost effective in the present moment to put Germany and a few countries who are willing to do it out of the euro rather than make everybody else leave or pay the price of their interest in staying. They would have the control on the stronger currency they wish and the rest would go on their own. The devaluation and the cost would be smaller for all.A big problem for the periphery countries (and it is not just those countries - witness recent political standoffs in France and the Netherlands) is that they don't have a currency that they can devalue relative to their primary trading partners. So the only way they can generate the funds to repay the enormous debts run up during the bubble years is to cut their costs - and hope that the cost cuts don't cause a decline in their revenues as well. This, so far, has been shown to be an obvious failure everywhere it has been tried - not to mention the suffering it imposes on the average citizen.
The Portuguese people have put up with one draconian package after another – with longer working hours, 7pc pay cuts, tax rises, an erosion of pensions, etc – all amounting to a net fiscal squeeze of 10.4 of GDP so far in cyclically-adjusted terms. (It will ultimately be 15pc).Of all the countries on the European periphery, Portugal appears to have gotten the worst of it. Their debt is much higher than Greece, and the measures taken to get it under control are just as draconian, yet thus far there has been no outbreak of violence like elsewhere. But it appears people have had enough. And its not just because of the latest proposed tax increase discussed above:
They have protested peacefully, in marked contrast to the Greeks, even though the latest poll by the Catholic University shows that 87pc are losing faith in Portugal’s democracy.
Yet Mr Passos Coelho’s rash decision to raise the Social Security tax on workers’ pay from 11pc to 18pc has at last brought the heavens down upon his head.
He was hauled in front of the Council of State – a sort of Privy Council of elders and wise men – for a showdown over the weekend. Eight hours later he emerged battered and bruised to admit defeat. The measure will not go ahead.
Francisco Louca from left-wing Bloco suggested that the prime minister cannot survive such a defeat. "The government is dead", he said.
Unemployment has reached 15.7pc (36.4pc for youth). Citigroup expects the economy to contract by 3.8pc this year, a further 5.7pc next year, and yet again by 1.3pc in 2014. (and even then the current account will still be deficit – proof of the absurdity of EMU)And this is even with all the austerity measures taken so far. Portugal is a picture perfect example of the failure of expansionary austerity. People are learning that all the measures the government has taken to reduce the debt are instead making the situation worse.
The slump will be so severe that the budget deficit will rise, not fall. Shrinking tax revenues will outweigh gains from cuts. Lisbon is chasing its tail. Citigroup says the deficit will be 5.1pc of GDP this year, 4.9pc next year, and 5.4pc in 2014.
While many of the recent scandals have been relatively isolated, the scope of the rate-rigging scandal has been vast, encompassing 16 banks. More than 10 government authorities around the world are looking into whether the banks reported false rates, potentially affecting trillions of dollars of financial products like mortgages and student loans.
The investigation is still in its early days, but experts say it is likely to drag on for years. Authorities could arrest traders this year, and more cases against big banks are expected. Earlier this year, Barclays agreed to pay $450 million to settle accusations that it had reported false rates.
“This is looking like a full employment act for the corporate bar,” said Samuel W. Buell, a professor at Duke Law School.
Romney's tax rate does not account for much of his wealth. The income tax…doesn't tax you on changes of the value of your stuff from year to year unless you convert that stuff into cash," Galle explains. "If you never sell it then it doesn't become part of your income." A huge portion of the Romneys' fortune—as much as $100 million—is tied up in Mitt's individual retirement account (IRA), where it has grown tax-free for decades. That account is in the top .001 percent of all IRAs. Any increase in the value of Romney's IRA is not counted when his income is calculated. This is true for other Americans, too, but most Americans who have IRAs—only 48 million do—have relatively small amounts of money in them. The median IRA was worth $17,863 in 2010. So, for most Americans, the IRA tax exemption isn't the huge factor it is for Romney.There is more to this than just the income that is deferred by putting it in the IRA. The good thing about that IRA is that the income in the IRA will eventually be taxed. It's just a matter of when.
Romney still pays taxes on his sons' enormous trust funds. David Cay Johnston, a Reuters columnist, tax expert, and Pulitzer Prize winner, tells Mother Jones that without the taxes Romney paid on his sons' trust funds, which are worth around $100 million combined, "his rate would be much lower."This is the result of the trust being treated as a "grantor trust." Normally, the way a trust is taxed is that it pays tax on its undistributed income. For example, say a trust has $1 million of income, and under the terms of the trust it distributes 50% of that income to its beneficiaries. The trust will pay tax on the undistributed income - $500,000 of income in this example - and the beneficiaries will pay tax on the income distributed to them by the trust.
Lanny A. Breuer, the head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, last week spoke to the New York City Bar Association, extolling the virtues of deferred and nonprosecution agreements as the new standard for how the Justice Department deals with criminal conduct by corporations.
It is not just corporate investigations that are being concluded with these agreements. They have been used recently with individuals to resolve investigations, like the recent agreement with the cyclist Floyd Landis over possible fraud charges. TheSecurities and Exchange Commission has also embraced them as a means to wrap up civil securities fraud cases.
The result has been, unequivocally, far greater accountability for corporate wrongdoing - and a sea change in corporate compliance efforts. Companies now know that avoiding the disaster of an indictment does not mean an escape from accountability. They know that they will be answerable even for conduct that in years past would have resulted in a declination. Companies also realize that if they want to avoid pleading guilting, or to convince us to forego bringing an case altogether, they must prove to us that they are serious about compliance. Our prosecutors are sophisticated. The know the difference between a real compliance program and a make-believe one. They know the difference between actual cooperation with a government investigation and make-believe cooperation. And they know the difference between a rogue employee and a rotten corporation.I really don't know how this guy can say this with a straight face. Remember this?
When Citigroup agreed last month to pay $285 million to settle civil charges that it had defrauded customers during the housing bubble, the Securities and Exchange Commission wrested a typical pledge from the company: Citigroup would never violate one of the main antifraud provisions of the nation’s securities laws.As a tool to bring about corporate accountability, these agreements have been an abject failure. Yet last week the Obama administration spoke before a crowd of Wall Street lawyers and extolled their virtues.
To an outsider, the vow may seem unusual. Citigroup, after all, was merely promising not to do something that the law already forbids. But that is the way the commission usually does business. It also was not the first time the firm was making that promise.
Citigroup’s main brokerage subsidiary, its predecessors or its parent company agreed not to violate the very same antifraud statute in July 2010. And in May 2006. Also as far as back as March 2005 and April 2000.
Citigroup is far from the only such repeat offender — in the eyes of the S.E.C. — on Wall Street. Nearly all of the biggest financial companies, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, JPMorgan Chase and Bank of America among them, have settled fraud cases by promising the S.E.C. that they would never again violate an antifraud law, only to do it again in another case a few years later.
A New York Times analysis of enforcement actions during the last 15 years found at least 51 cases in which 19 Wall Street firms had broken antifraud laws they had agreed never to breach.
Really, there was never anything serious about the Romney campaign. It's basically: "Obama is bad, vote for me." If you expect anything more serious than that at this stage of the game, you will be deeply disappointed.Yesterday evening (a Friday evening!) the campaign revealed a whitepaper titled Securing the American Dream and The Future of Housing Policy that's so unsubstantial, we half-suspect the timing was done so that nobody would see it amid the release of the 2011 tax documents, which came out about 20 minutes earlier. This is honestly a sentence in his whitepaper on The Future Of Housing Policy:The Romney-Ryan plan will completely end “too-big-to-fail” by reforming the GSEs.Romney and Ryan believe that "too-big-to-fail", which generally refers to the assumption that a collapse of a major Wall Street institution would be catastrophic to the overall economy, thus making a bailout imperative, would be solved by the reform of Fannie and Freddie. Or maybe Romney and Ryan believe that only Fannie and Freddie are too big to fail, and that the collapse of a mega-bank would be fine. Those are the only possible readings of that sentence. As for Romney and Ryan's plan to reform the GSEs, the plan is to... reform them. Here's the full context for the above quote:End “Too-Big-To-Fail” And Reform Fannie Mae And Freddie Mac: The Romney-Ryan plan will completely end “too-big-to-fail” by reforming the GSEs. The four years since taxpayers took over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, spending $140 billion in the process, is too long to wait for reform. Rather than just talk about reform, a Romney-Ryan Administration will protect taxpayers from additional risk in the future by reforming Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and provide a long-term, sustainable solution for the future of housing finance reform in our country.So basically there are no details at all. Too Big To Fail will be fixed by reforming the GSEs, and the GSEs will be fixed... somehow….It's reasonable to think that the challenger who is trying to disrupt the status quo, actually says something that would... disrupt the status quo. Failing to provide any details or a plan during the heart of the campaign undermines the notion that he is a serious alternative.
Because bankers measure their self-worth in money, and pay themselves a lot of it, they think they're fine fellows and don't need to explain themselves.
Besides some of the reasons specific to China, expats leaving a nation can be a leading indicator of weaker economic growth. For example the number of expats in Japan apparently also declined in the 90s, although exact numbers are difficult to pinpoint. What is clear however is that a bubble economy often creates unrealistic expectations about future growth, attracting capital and talent. And when the bubble bursts, years of sub-par growth ensue....If Japan is any indication of such an adjustment, the correction could be severe indeed. After the peak in the 90s and the subsequent decline, the nation's GDP growth has never recovered.One could say the same thing here - after the bursting of the bubble five years ago, who knows if we will every see growth like we did in the 90s again? But that's not what makes this ominous. What makes it ominous is that much of the world's economic growth fed off of China's tremendous expansion ove rhte last couple of decades. If that slows down - if Chinese consumers don't continue to make progress at the same rate, what does that portend for the world economy? Nothing good.
What a great way to start the day....HR: What are the potential future losses that the U.S. government—that taxpayers—might have to absorb?Neil Barofsky: The real issue is the potential for another financial crisis because we haven’t fixed the core problems of our financial system. We still have banks that are “too big to fail.” Standard & Poor’s estimated last year that the up-front cost of another crisis, including bailing out the biggest banks yet again, would be roughly 1/3 of the U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) or about $5 trillion. The resulting problems will be even bigger.HR: What were the problems resulting from the 2008 financial crisis?Neil Barofsky: When you look at the fiscal impact of the 2008 crisis, you have to look at it not only in terms of lost tax revenues and increased government debt, but also in terms of the loss of household wealth. People who became unemployed suffered tremendous losses and the government’s social benefit costs expanded accordingly. One of the reasons we had the debt ceiling debate last year, when the U.S. credit rating was downgraded, and why we are facing a fiscal cliff ahead is the legacy of the 2008 crisis. We have a lot less dry powder to deal with a new crisis and we almost certainly will have one.HR: Why do you expect another financial crisis?Neil Barofsky: It just comes down to incentives. A normally functioning free market disciplines businesses. The presumption of bailout for “too big to fail” institutions changes the incentives of a normally functioning free market. In a free market, if an institution loads up on risky assets with too little capital standing behind them, it will be punished by the market. Institutions will refuse to lend them money without extracting a significant penalty. Counterparties will be wary of doing business with companies that have too much risk and too little capital. Allowing “too big to fail” institutions to exist removes that discipline. The presumption is that the government will stand in and make the obligations whole even if the bank blows up. That basic perversion of the free market incentivizes additional risk.HR: Are “too big to fail” banks taking more risks today than they did before?Neil Barofsky: Bailouts give bank executives an incentive to max out short term profits and get huge bonuses, because if the bank blows up, taxpayers will pick up the tab. The presumption of bailout increases systemic risk by taking away the incentives of creditors and counterparties to do their jobs by imposing market discipline and by incentivizing banks to act in ways that make a bailout more likely to occur.HR: Is it just a matter of the size of banking institutions?Neil Barofsky: The big banks are 20-25% bigger now than they were before the crisis. The “too big to fail” banks are also too big to manage effectively. They’ve become Frankenstein monsters. Even the most gifted executives can’t manage all of the risks, which increases the likelihood of a future bailout.HR: Since bank executives are accountable to their shareholders, won’t they regulate themselves?Neil Barofsky: The big banks are not just “too big to fail,” they’re ‘too big to jail.’ We’ve seen zero criminal cases arising out of the financial crisis. The reality is that these large institutions can’t be threatened with indictment because if they were taken down by criminal charges, they would bring the entire financial system down with them. There is a similar danger with respect to their top executives, so they won’t be indited in a federal criminal case almost no matter what they do. The presumption of bailout thus removes for the executives the disincentive in pushing the ethical envelope. If people know they won’t be held accountable, that too will encourage more risk taking in the drive towards profits.HR: So, it’s just a matter of time before there’s another crisis?Neil Barofsky: Yes. The same incentives that led to the 2008 crisis are still in place today and in many ways the situation is worse. We have a financial system that concentrates risk in just a handful of large institutions, incentivizes them to take risks, guarantees that they will never be allowed to fail and ensures that the executives will never be held accountable for their actions. We shouldn’t be surprised when there’s another massive financial crisis and another massive bailout. It would be naïve to expect a different result.
The rallying cry of the American Revolution was not "no taxation." It was "no taxation without representation." It was about freedom, equality and democracy.
Reasonable people adapt themselves to the world. Unreasonable people attempt to adapt the world to themselves. All progress, therefore, depends on unreasonable people.- George Bernard Shaw
It’s a paradox. The economy is in the doldrums. Yet the incumbent is ahead in the polls. According to a huge body of research by political scientists, this is not supposed to happen.Commenter John at Delong's Blog:
Apparently the notion of the American people not being dupes is considered weird enough as to warrant an explanation.Yep.
So where are Romney and his party coming from? Basically, they’ve thrown out 80 years of economic analysis and evidence because it doesn’t fit their ideological preconceptions....Wrong.
What you really have to wonder about is all the not-stupid economists who have aligned themselves with this guy and that crew. Probably they imagine that once the election is past sensible economics will return. But the odds are that they are wrong, and that they’re sacrificing their own credibility to put charlatans and cranks in the driver’s seat.
Mel's post examines some of the statistics in the latest PISA test, which was conducted in 2009 and the results of which were announced in 2010.PISA is an international study that was launched by the OECD in 1997. It aims to evaluate education systems worldwide every three years by assessing 15-year-olds' competencies in the key subjects: reading, mathematics and science. To date over 70 countries and economies have participated in PISA.
| Country | Poverty Rate | PISA Score |
| Finland | 3.40% | 536 |
| Canada | 13.60% | 524 |
| New Zealand | 16.30% | 521 |
| Japan | 14.30% | 520 |
| Australia | 11.60% | 515 |
| Netherlands | 9.00% | 508 |
| Belgium | 6.70% | 506 |
| Norway | 3.60% | 503 |
| Switzerland | 6.80% | 501 |
| Poland | 14.50% | 500 |
| United States | 21.70% | 500 |
| Germany | 10.90% | 497 |
| France | 7.30% | 496 |
| Ireland | 15.70% | 496 |
| Denmark | 2.40% | 495 |
| Hungary | 13.10% | 494 |
| United Kingdom | 16.20% | 494 |
| Portugal | 15.60% | 489 |
| Italy | 15.70% | 486 |
| Greece | 12.40% | 483 |
| Czech Republic | 7.20% | 478 |
| Austria | 13.30% | 471 |
| Free and Reduced Meal Rate | PISA Score |
| Schools with < 10% | 551 |
| Schools with 10-24.9% | 527 |
| Schools with 25-49.9% | 502 |
| Schools with 49.9-74.9% | 471 |
| Schools with >75% | 446 |
| U.S. average | 500 |
To his dog, every man is Napoleon; hence the constant popularity of dogs.
This Christian sect, which had originated as a reform movement within Judaism, had spread to urban centers throughout the Empire by the end of the third century. Its members, united under their bishops, followed a wide variety of occupations and lifetyles, but were united by their private and quasisecret religious rites and beliefs which stood in sharp contrast with those of their neighbors. Their radical and exclusive monotheism, their belief in an eternal afterlife of bliss for the few elect and of eternal torture for the rest of humankind, and their insistence that only those of their cult could achieve this salvation were all likely to build resentment in the rest of society.You think?
It was a single line, tossed off really a little past halfway through his acceptance speech, and it didn't even really draw all that much of a response from a crowd that was ready to recreate Bastille Day every time he got from a subject to a verb without turning an ankle. He mentioned it almost as an aside.I have often had conversations with my conservative friends about their fear of granting too much power to our government - too big a role in the lives we live. I agree with that fear to a degree. I don't have that fear if our government is operating in the manner set out in our Constitution - if our government is truly responsive to the people. Yes there is the whole "tyranny of the majority" thing, but that's what the Bill of Rights is for, and so long as the Bill of Rights is properly enforced there will be limits on what the majority can impose on the minority.
"...the hard and frustrating and necessary work of self-government."
That I heard. That I understood. It is not musical. It is not in any way poetic. But it is a clear line drawn between the president and the person and the party that would like to take his job from him. It is now an article of absolute faith among Republicans that "the government" is an entity separate from "the American people," which they say the same way that the old Jesuits talked about "the mystical Body of Christ." It is now an ironclad commandment of conservative orthodoxy that "the government" is something parasitic and alien. There is a reason why conservatives talk about "government" and not "self-government," because to refer to the latter is to concede that "the government" is really the most basic product of our political commonwealth, that it is what we produce among ourselves so as to order the production of everything else that we do together. This is not an idle distinction. It is the entire message of last week's Republican convention, and it is the entire message of the campaign they are planning to run, and, make no mistake, it resonates deeply with millions of people because it has been spoonfed to them as a kind of noxious anesthetic for almost foty years now, a long enough time for it to seem as though it is the natural order of things.
"...the hard and frustrating and necessary work of self-government."
Make no mistake. This little throwaway line was the most direct, and the most serious, challenge that the president threw down at the feet of the Republican ticket on Thursday night because it strikes at the very essence of four decades of conservative political philosophy. We create "the government" we have. "The government" is not imposed from without. It is our creation. Its proper operation is our responsibility. If we do not like the way it operates, we do the hard and frustrating and necessary work to change the way it does. If we believe that it is being hijacked, we do the hard and frustrating and necessary work of using the tools of self-government to run the moneychangers out of the place. If we do not like the way the person we vote for is doing the job with which we have entrusted him — if he, say, allows the crooks who brought down the economy to walk away free, or if he perpetuates policies antithetical to civil liberties, or if he gets a little too cozy with fracking or if he gives away too much in some Grand Bargain — then we do the hard and frustrating and necessary work of self-government to hold his damn feet to the fire and say, "No further."
"...the hard and frustrating and necessary work of self-government."
Our government has been set up as an ongoing creative process. That's the real genius of it. It is what we make of it. It is our fault when we create a grotesque out of it like we have at this moment in time. Two largely corporate-owned parties, one of them a little nicer to gay people, and women, and old folk, a system sodden with money and corruption and increasingly unresponsive to anyone who doesn't pay to corrupt it even more. This is what we created. It was not imposed from without. We voted for the politicians who voted to put on the Supreme Court the men who unleashed the floodgates. We voted for the politicians who deregulated Wall Street — and Bill Clinton was one of them — and turned the vandals loose in the treasure house. Or we didn't vote, and we didn't realize that not voting is also a creative act. There is nobody in this country who is not complicit in the current state of our politics.
"...the hard and frustrating and necessary work of self-government."