Not only is there little evidence that this is the case, but, as Kevin Drum points out in an excellent piece, the fact is that large corporations prefer regulations that are complex, cumbersome and opaque to those that are simple and easy to understand:
I started practicing as a tax lawyer in 1984, and a couple of years later I accompanied a senior partner of our firm to Washington to lobby on behalf of a bank client of ours for a special exemption from newly-passed limitations on the foreign tax credit rules, which were enacted as part of the Tax Reform Act of 1986. I remember being quite convinced of the rightness of our client's position, as well as being kind of in awe of being in the heart of power. As a Navy brat from San Diego, son of a junior officer who had not achieved the upper ranks, I really had only been exposed to the upper echelon of power like this once before - as a intern on Capital Hill in 1980 while I was in college. I had stars in my eyes both in 1980 and 1986, and was really kind of oblivious to what I was doing there.The "Volcker rule" is a simple thing. Basically, it says that if you're a bank that takes deposits and benefits from federal deposit insurance, you can't also make risky trades that might blow up your bank and cost the taxpayers a bundle. Wall Street never liked the rule, because banks make a lot of their money these days trading for their own accounts and didn't want their trading profits cut off. They fought the idea in Congress, but in the end, the Dodd-Frank bill that passed in 2010 included a version of the Volcker rule in its final draft.Was this a victory for common sense? Hardly. Last month regulators unveiled their first take on the actual implementation of the Volcker rule, and it had become a monster. "Only in today's regulatory climate could such a simple idea become so complex, generating a rule whose preamble alone is 215 pages, with 381 footnotes to boot," complained American Bankers Association Chief Executive Frank Keating.Poor banks! But step back for a moment. How did Paul Volcker's baby get so bloated? Keating's crocodile tears aside, the answer is: banks. When it comes to financial regulation, fighting against new laws is merely their first line of defense. When they lose, as they did in the Dodd-Frank battle, the action simply moves to the regulatory agency charged with implementing the law. James Stewart explains what happened next:When the proposed regulations for the Volcker Rule finally emerged for public comment, the text had swelled to 298 pages and was accompanied by more than 1,300 questions about 400 topics.…"Here's the key word in the rules: 'exemption,'" former Senator Ted Kaufman, Democrat of Delaware, told me. "Let me tell you, as soon as you see that, it's pronounced 'loophole.' That's what it means in English." Mr. Kaufman, now teaching at Duke University School of Law, earlier proposed a tougher version of the Volcker Rule, which was voted down in the Senate. "We've been through this before," he said. "I know these folks, these Wall Street guys. I went to school with them. They're smart as hell. You give them the smallest little hole, and they'll run through it."This is probably the biggest reason that no one should take too seriously Republican complaints about burdensome regulations strangling the economy. The truth is that most reformers prefer fairly simple rules. In the tax world, they'd prefer to simply tax all income. In the environmental world, they'd prefer to set firm limits for pollutants. In the financial world, they'd prefer blunt rules that cut off risky activity at its knees.But businesses don't like simple rules, because simple rules are hard to evade. So they lobby endlessly for exemptions both big and small. This is why we end up with tax subsidies for bow-and-arrow makers. It's why we end up with environmental rules that treat a hundred different industries a hundred different ways. It's why financial regulators don't enact simple leverage rules or place firm asset caps on firm size. Those would be hard to get around and might genuinely eat into bank profits. Complex rules, conversely, are the meat and drink of $500-per-hour lawyers and whiz kid engineers. If the rules are complicated enough, smart lawyers can always find ways around them. And American corporations employ lots of smart lawyers.
When I think back on it now, I cringe at the thrill I felt at the time. Things have changed in a lot of respects since then though - at the time we failed to get the exemption we were lobbying for.
Incidentally the Tax Reform Act of 1986 was the fourth major tax "reform" legislation of the Reagan Administration, following the Economic Recovery TAx Act of 1981, the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982, and the Deficit Reduction Act of 1984. Except for legislation passed in 1993, which raised tax rates slightly did little more but a little tinkering around the edges, there was no major changes to the tax laws governing corporations and business during the entire Clinton Administration. So why is it that Democrats have this reputation for creating business "uncertaintly?" Every time I think of this charge I think of the Reagan tax bills - nobody knew from one year to then next what the tax law was going to look like. Talk about uncertainty!
One more point: one provision of the 1986 law was to change the name "Internal Revenue Code of 1954" to "Internal Revenue Code of 1986." They didn't re-codify the tax laws - the basic structure of the Internal Revenue Code wasn't changed and the basic rules remained the same. All that was different was they added a whole bunch of special rules and exemptions layered on top of the original code. But the Republican leadership thought so much of their work that they decided to remind everyone what a wonderful thing they had accomplished. Even at the time I remember thinking that this was a major act of hubris on their part.